
Qass. 



Book. 



DISCOURSE 



ON THE 






DELIVERED BY 




REV. SAMUEL BARNES, 



IN THE 



MONlfMENT STREET METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH, 



ON THE 



\M Biipotfitcil tiu tli^ Pimldpiil g^irtli^rltkjg, 



WEDNESDAY, APJRIL. 10, 1865. 



(PxibliBhed. by request of the Leaders' J^eeting, 



BALTIMORE: 
PRINTED BY JOHN D.' TOY 

1865. 



DISCOUESE 



ON THE 



f catit of f icsitknt Shaluim piurolu, 



DELIVERED BY 



REV. SAMUEL BARNES, 



IN THE 



MONUMENT STREET METHODIST EPISCOPAL CIIURCIT, 



ON THE 



iHM ^^PP^iJitd till 11^ piijjiripnl ^^Utoritk^, 



WEDNKSDAY, AFJRIL, lO, 1865. 



(PiLhlished by request of the Leaders' Jdeeting. 



BALTIMORE: 
PRINTED BY JOHN D. TOY. 

1865. 



.8 



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SERMON. 



THE VICTORY WAS TURNED, THAT DAY, INTO MOUHNING. 

2d Samuel, 12 chap. 2 v. 

Our presence in this liouse of God to-day, is occasioned 
by no ordinary occurrence. At tliis hour, in the Capital of 
our Nation, the mortal remains of Abraham Lincoln, the na- 
tion's recently re-elected and most loved President, are re- 
ceiving their funeral obsequies. At this hour, not only in 
the National Metroi)olis, and at the Executive Mansion, 
but throughout all the land, there is lamentation and great 
mourning, — such mourning as, up this time in the nation's 
history, has not been known, and, such as, I doubt not, to 
the end of its history, will not be known again. Never be- 
fore, has til is house of God been draped as you see it draped 
to-day. Never before, has your own residence been dra[)ed 
as it is to-day: — on every side — every where throughout the 
land — in the city full, and in the country wide, the weeds of 
mourning float out expressions of sad wailing on every pass- 
ing breeze. Nor are these badges meamwgr^ess to-day. Never 
before has crape had more expression^ or been a truer expo- 
nent of the heart's bitterness. Walking upon the streets 
to-day — or, contemplating the appearance of our whole land, 
draped, as, at this hour it is, in mourning, one is forcibly 
reminded of Egypt, when in every house there was one 
newly slain. There it was a son, a daughter, a sister, or a 
brother, — here it is our Father ; more, it is our Country's 
Saviour, whose death, by violent and wicked hands we mourn. 
Surely " an enemy hath done this." And, though the im- 
mediate agent of this foul crime is found in the person of an 
insignificant tragedian, its spirit is the same as that which 



organized, ami, with such terrible slaughter, has, for four 
years, carried on resistance to the God-ordained " powers 
that be," in our land. 

My hearers, I wonder not at this consummation. I had 
expected it long ago. Nor, but for the dawnings of returning 
peace, had I been taken by surprise at its announcement. 
Long ago, authorized rebel journals advertised a price upon 
the head of the Nation's Executive, even as eighteen hun- 
dred years ago, the Jews placed a price u[)0n the head of the 
World's Redeemer. And, alas ! in each case a Judas was 
found vile enough to perform the dreadful deed. But to 
whom, after all, are we to charge the betrayal of our Lord? 
To Judas, certainly, as the agent, but, primarily, to the 
Jeios, his Master. And upon whom are we to charge the 
murder of the nation's twice chosen President, but upon that 
same spirit of 7'ebellion, which at tirst incited, and has ever 
since carried on, encouraged, and sympathized with, treason 
and rebellion. 

Let us look a moment at the causelessness of the wicked 
act, whose sad results we mourn to-day. 

Mr. Lincoln was no man's [)ersonal enemy. So honest 
was he, that no man's personal rights could suffer at his 
liand. So kind and generous was he, that no man's feel- 
ings could be wounded by his ever-guarded and innocent 
words. As President of the United States, he but carried 
out the will of the majority, who by constitutional process, 
the second time had placed him in power. And, what 
American, worthy of the name, would deny to the majority, 
according to tlu' genius of our government, the right to rule. 
Mr. Lincoln, in the place he filled, could not do otherwise 
than enforce their will. To this, he was bound by his oath 
and obligations of office, according to the Constitution of our 
land — an instrument, in the forming of which, both Southern 
and Northern men bore their equal part. But, not only by 
his oath of office was he compelled to enforce the laws, even 
ivith the sword, but he was so compelled hy the teachings of 
the Word of God, as well. Hear the utterance of St. Paul, 
(Rom. L3, 4,) upon this subject. S[)eaking of the legitimate 



national ruler, he says, "if thou do that wliich is evil, be 
afraid; for he beareth not the sword in vain: for he is the 
minister of Ood, a revenger to execute wrath upon him that 
doeth evil," 

So that, in enforcing the law with the sword, he was doing, 
not only what his sivorn Constitutional obligations compelled 
him to do, but was performing a dutij specifically enjoined upon 
him by the Word of God. 

Again, who else, in executing the law, could have done 
so with greater mildness an,d personal good will. Never, 
in the knowledge of any one, did he utter a word or write a 
syllable, expressive of personal passion or vindictiveness 
toward any, even the worst, in rebellion against the laws. 
Botli his acts, his words, and even his spirit toward the in- 
surgents, were those of an affectionate father toward a way- 
ward child. 

What cause, therefore, for his brutal murder? He was 
but the kind and considerate servant of the Consitutional 
majority of our citizens, whose province it is, by the very 
genius of our institutions to rule. In enforcing law too, under 
such circumstances, he was but obeying a Divine behest. 
Has not Abraham Lixcoln fallen, therefore, an innocent 
victim to his fidelity to both human and Divine law? 

The baseness, moreover, of this causeless act is enhanced 
by its manifest uselessness. 

Had it been possible, by striking down the innocent and 
faithful servant of the people, to strike down with him the 
people's cause, the case would be different. But surely none 
knew better than the insurgents themselves, that the death 
of Abraham Lincoln could not be, and would not be, the 
nation's death. 

In some forms of monarchical government tlie assassina- 
tion of the nation's head would almost necessarily be fol- 
lowed by revolution and the introduction of a new order of 
things. But, thank God, not so here. The nation loved, 
loves now, and ever will love the memory of Abraham 
Lincoln ; but none can be better aware than rebels them- 
selves, tliat the American nation depends for its life and 



6 

continuance upon no one man. Abraham Lincoln is dead. 
But, scarcely was he upon his cooling-board, till by the ad- 
mirable and inimitable provisions of our Constitution, 
another, and one perhaps not less able than he, was in his 
place, and the governmental machinery, with only such a 
jar as settled its parts together more firmly and indissolubly, 
was moving on with no less power than before, and more 
formidably to traitors than ever. 

Yes, Abraham Lincoln is dead. But tJie nation lives. 
The same dispatches which shall announce to other lands 
th.e sad intelligence that our chosen ruler is no more, will 
announce as well, the fact, that another hand, not less 
strong, and far more stern, now holds the helm of the ship 
of State. That now, more than ever before, have both 
secessionists at home, and their helping sympathizers 
abroad, reason to fear the awards of avenging justice. 

In addition therefore, to the causelessness of this foul deed, 
how utterly useless it is — how far luorse than useless to our" 
country's foes. And, though a dozen successive assassina- 
tions, of those successively ap})ointed to fill the Presidential 
chair should take place, still would the nation live, and so 
would its loyal people. But perhaps its loyal people only. 
For much — very much of the spirit of conciliation and tole- 
ration, existing a week ago, may be looked for, even now, 
in. vain. 

The spirit of rebellion, therefore, which has both sought 
the nation's life and slain the nation's head, is one of cause- 
less, useless, wanton wickedness and cruelty. Nor, is this 
its first and only manifestation. Four years ago to-day, in 
the streets of our own City, it shed the first blood of the 
rebellion without the slightest provocation whatsoever. Since 
then it has manifested itself, not only in causeless, malignant 
and most bloody efforts, to overthrow the best of all earthly 
governments, but by the more than savage, even brutal mur- 
der and massacre of helpless prisoners, regularly surren- 
dered, as at Forts Pillow on the Mississippi and Plymouth 
in North Carolina. And if this were not enough, witness 
its systematic and literal, and to make it still worse, gradual 



starvation of thousands of other 'prisoners in their hands, as 
at Richmond and Belle Island, and Salisbury and Anderson- 
ville; and last, though not least, the brutal hunting down, 
by blood hounds, of unwilling conscripts, whom they have 
either thus torn to pieces, or shot down in their tracks, or 
forced to take up arras against the government they had 
sworn to maintain, and which they loved as they loved their 
own lives. Such wanton, cruel wickedness, we look for 
elsewhere, in the history of the civilized world, in vain. 
Who can fail to recognize in it from first to last tlie unfail- 
ing marks of St. John's apocalyptic "beast." 

I would not be understood as charging upon those, who 
being truly and honestly loyal, have simply objected to the 
propriety of some of the measures adopted by the late Exec- 
utive, for the putting down of the rebellion, as being pos- 
sessed by this spirit. Nor would I regard as guilty of its 
possession, those who, having friends in the South, have 
simply not lost their sympathy or regard for those friends, 
as such; but I do regard as guilty of the same spirit that 
has done all this, all those who would rejoice in the success 
of the wicked efforts, made by traitors, to overthrow this 
Government. 

My hearers, no greater sin is named in all God's Word, 
than resistance to "the powers that be." The reason is 
assigned by the Apostle in the following language, "For .he 
that resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God." 
Mark the i)hrase, 'Hhe ordinance of God." Does not this 
signify that God puts his seal upon and stamps, and thus 
ratifies and adoj)ts, as his own, the governments of men, 
whatever their form or provisions, only so they come not in 
competition with sound morality? It is true, that in his 
word, he no where designates as best, any one form of 
human government. As to this, nations are left to their 
own selections, even as are men and women in forming mat- 
rimonial alliances. But, as, when formally solemnized, the 
originally voluntary matrimonial alliance, becomes by divine 
ratification and authority religiously binding, insomuch that 
he who MOW breaks away from its claims, is guilty before 



8 

God of a heinous sin, even so, and precisely so, is it with 
human governments when once voluntarily devised, and 
then duly signed and sealed. Now, as with matrimony, 
it is an ordinance of God ; and St. Paul declares, the penalty 
of its violation, when he further declares, '■'■he ihat resisteth 
shall receive unto himself damnation. ' ' 

Few of us, perhaps none of us, comprehend fully the 
awfulness of the sin of rebellion. What has it done in our 
own land. But for it our Southern soil had not been, as now, 
almost literally soaked, from one end to the other, with 
human gore. But for it how many hundred thousands of 
families, North and South, now broken, bleeding, mourning, 
ruined, witli substance and even subsistence gone: with 
husbands and brothers slain, had to-day been unbroken, 
prosperous and happy as in years and times now forever 
past. But why attempt to enumerate the woes rebellion has 
brought upon our land. God only knows them, and eternity 
only can reveal them. As to its results or effects therefore, 
I will only further add, and you may regard this according 
to your own minds, as either a blessing or an additional 
curse, that but for this wicked rebellion now so nearly 
crushed, slavery, once the cherished idol of the South, had 
still remained unharmed, and with all its formerly com- 
manding power. 

I can assure you, my hearers, it is no pleasure for me to 
stand up here to-day, and rehearse in your hearing the 
divinely written denunciations of the sin of rebellion. Nor 
is it any pleasure for me to call up anew, either to my own 
mind or yours, the unspeakable horrors in all our land, which 
secession and rebellion have so uselessly produced ; and yet 
this solemn occasion suggests and seems to demand it. 
Moreover, as a minister I must be faithful with my people, 
whether they will hear, or whether they will forbear to hear. 

Such, therefore, is the crime, and such the wickedness of 
tlie spirit of the rebellion, whose sad practical results our 
nation specially mourns to-day in the ruthless murder of her 
Chief Executive. 



In conclusion. What are the duties, and what lice lessons 
of the hour. As to the duties : 

1. Let all those who have hitherto, in any manner or 
degree sympathized with, or aided the rebellion, now stop 
and calmly review this whole subject. Ask yourselves, in 
the sight of God, in the light of His word, in the light, 
especially of His providential teachings, as now so clearly 
read in the history of the past four years ; and finally, ask 
yourselves, in the light of the foul murder of our great, and 
good, and generous President, liave I not been mistaken in 
giving to the rebellion any, even the least of my synii)athy, 
aid or countenance. And if upon such calm review, you see 
yourselves to have been wrong, repent heartily before God, 
and forever renounce a cause which bears upon it the brand 
of both human and divine condemuati.'U. As to duty: 

2ndly. Let the truly loyal and {)atriolic individually emu- 
late the truly generous and personally forgiving spirit of him 
whose untimely and violent death we mourn to-day. In him 
no rancorous or [)er.sorial liate touiid any place. Had he 
ofjicial duties to perform in righteously punishing infractors 
of the law, he was just enough to pcrlbriu such duties with 
a firm hand, even though it was with a bleeding heart. Hi 
all this, let us follow his great and good example. 

As to the present Executive, let us sustain him by our 
sympathies, our co-operation, our prayers, even as we sus 
tained his illustrious predecessor, to the end that his li!e 
may be spared, that his plans may be wise, his decisions 
just, his success, under God, in the complete overthrow of 
the rebellion, and in the proper judicial punishment of lead- 
ino' insurgents, speedy and complete, so that in quietness 
and peace, we may spend all our future days. 

Finally. As to the lessons of the hour, what shall I say. 
Surely they are many and weighty. We ask your attention 
only to a few. 

1st. The first is in the language of the Psalmist: ''Put 
not your trust in princes, nor in the son of man, in whom 
there is no help. His breath goeth forth, he returneth to 
his earth ; in that very day his thoughts perish. Happy is 



10 

the man that hath the God of Jacob for his help, whose hope 
is in the Lord his God." 

Our Presidents may die. They may fall by the hand of 
the assassin, or by other means be called away; but if our 
nation be just before God, then he who is "the God of 
nations," and "who ever lives," will see to it that our 
nation too, shall live even as long as the sun or moon 
endures. 

2ndly. Let us learn the great levelling truth expressed by 
the poet when he says: 

Princes, this clay must be your bed 

In spite of all your towers; 
The tall, the wise, the reverend head, 

Must lie as low as ours. 

No rank, no station, no honors, no worldly power, is ajiy 
exemption from the common fate of humanity. The sentence, 
"dust thou art and unto dust shalt thou return," shall iall 
literally and certainly to the lot of each and all of us. Nor 
is there any caste in the grave. The dust of earth's greatest 
and ifoblest ones will mingle indiscriminately and indis- 
tinguishably with that of her humblest ones. And as in 
death, and in the grave, there is no distinction, neither will 
there be at the bar of God. There the ruler will be judged, 
and judged by the same standards as the ruled. There 
earth's greatest and fairest, most flattered and favored ones 
will be judged upon precisely the same principles, and with 
the same rigor with those wlio, among men, are least favored. 
Earthly distinctions are forever done away, both at the bar 
of God, and in the eternal world. 

3rdly. Let us learn the uncertainty of life. Who can tell 
what a day may bring forth. How little did Mr. Lincoln 
think a week ago that to-day — upon this 19th day of April — 
his body would be lifeless in its coffin, and that his s{)irit 
would already have been assigned by his Judge to its eternal 
destination. Well may we say, 

" Great God, on what a slender thread 
Hang everlasting things ; 
The eternal state of all the dead 
Upon life's feeble strings." 



11 

Death may come in any one of a thousand forms — 

"Dangers stand thick through all the ground 
To push U3 to the tomb, 
And fierce diseases wait around 
To hurry mortals home." 

And let us not forget that 

"Infinite joy or endless woe 
Attends on every breath." 

An hour from this, and some of us, either by the assassin's 
dagger, or by Providential visitation, may be fixed in our 
eternal home. How awful a thing it is to live, but especially 
to die, unprepared. 

As for Mr. Lincoln, I am sorry he met his fate in a theatre. 
Theatre-going was, perhaps, his worst practice. But, 
though such practice, under all ordinary circumstances, is to 
be condemned as wrong, yet he may have considered its 
occasional use as a necessary relaxation from the onerous 
pressure of official duties upon his over-taxed brain. Upon 
this occasion too, at least, he seems to have gone, according 
to his own words, more to please others than himself. He 
was, however, proverbially, and we may add, most emphati- 
cally, an honest man. He was also, as I am informed, a reg- 
ular, careful, and devout reader of the Word of God; and a 
man of much and fervent prayer. It was his habit in part- 
ing from Ministers who visited him, to ask an interest in 
their prayers. And, we have it from one to whom he made 
the profession, that a little less than two years ago he gave 
his heart to the Saviour; and ever after claimed to be, in his 
own language, "a Christian." In making such claim, a 
man so honest with all others, would not certainly sufftr 
himself to be deceived. Who can doubt, therefore, that the 
Spirit of our lamented President is now an inhabitant of a 
better home above. 

Our minds turn now naturally to his deeply sorrowing and 
sorely afflicted widow and family. Poor Mrs. Lincoln. My 
heart bleeds for her in her great affliction. 

In common with us all, and as one of the citizens of this 
Nation, she has to-day the same occasion as we to mourn our 



12 

Nation's loss. But her loss is greater. She mourns the sud- 
den death of a husband so great and good as to have justly 
been the Nation's idol. Kaised to the very pinnacle of 
human society and position, by virtue of her being the wife 
of the Nation's President, now, by his death, she is driven 
rudely, so far as the assassin is concerned, from the Execu- 
tive Mansion, and consigned to the neglect and loneliness of 
a widow's life. Her husband dead, the attentions and bland- 
ishments falling upon her, by reason of her relation to him, 
will cease. Verily, she will go mourning all her days. 

1 am reminded here, that Mrs. Lincoln is not the only 
widow made such by this ruthless war. Other widows' 
hearts, through all the land, are sighing to their breaking. 
Mrs. Lincoln loved her husband ; but, did the wives of our 
fallen Generals, Captains and Private Soldiers love their 
husbands less? No, no! they too are faint with weeping; 
and thus, through all the land, for husbands, fathers, sons 
and brothers slain, a solemn and continued wail of woe goes 
up to God. 

I3ut, though our noble President and our honored Braves 
have fallen, the Nation lives. This flag at least, which to- 
day you see so deeply draped, will emerge again from these 
weeds— and, though in mourning now, and having been, 
during the last four years, so often trailed in dust by traitors' 
hands, yet the day is dawning, thank God, when, like the 
Sun, it shall rise to set in blood no more. It is, henceforth, 
to have sole and undisputed sway over a land redeemed, and 
to wave in a fairer sky and in a purer breeze— and, till the 
heavens be no more, over what shall hereafter be in truth, 
what heretofore it has only been in song, "The land of the 
free, and the home of the brave." 



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